Back to the Future: Campus Racism in the 21st Century
by
Raymond A. Winbush, Ph.D.
Campus Racism 20th Century Style
The
most dramatic social change in the United States during the 20th
century was the racial desegregation of public facilities.
The struggle of Africans in America to obtain social “equality” took
place in the second most important institution to Black people --- schools.
It is no mere coincidence that the historic Brown v. Board of
Education decision focused on educational systems, rather than employment or
housing. Thurgood Marshall and
Charles Hamilton Houston both knew that education would be the first domino in a
series that would ultimately force all of America’s segregated facilities to
open their doors to African Americans.
But
this struggle did not come easily. Little
Rock in 1957 led the way to a series of violent clashes that ultimately resulted
in the elimination of de jure segregation from the United States.
The movement for desegregation moved to the higher education level with
violence occurring at the Universities of Mississippi, Alabama and Georgia.
White Alabamians in particular resonated with glee for receiving support
from none other than their own governor, George Corley Wallace, with his
standing in the door of the University of Alabama defying federal troops to
prevent the matriculation of African-American students in Tuscaloosa.
Like K-12 education institutions, however, institutions of higher
education slowly opened their doors and admitted African-American students with
resistance at first, but ultimately with “diversity plans” that would assure
their presence on once lily-white campuses.
What is important to understand is that students are replacing
administrators, who were the primary resisters to campus diversity during the
20th century.
Campus Racism: 21st
Century Style
The
latter part of the 20th century, however, saw dramatic increases of
violence toward students of color reminiscent of the 1960s; intimidation,
harassment and violence resulted in several national stories on this issue.
With the birth of the Internet, spreading hatred to anyone was as close
as the click of a mouse and anonymity was guaranteed.
The most dramatic incident of violence took place during the 2000-01
school year in University Park, PA at Penn State University, where for nearly
two years, harassing e-mail to African-American students spread faster than a
computer virus threatening them with death.
All but ignored by the campus administration, matters took a dramatic
turn when a body of an African-American male was found just 20 miles from the
campus, shot in the head as predicted by a note found only a few days before. LaKeisha Wolf, then president of Penn State’s Black Caucus,
whose life was threatened, was escorted across campus with bodyguards and wore a
bulletproof vest. Serious
consideration was given to having metal detectors at commencement last spring
since the writer of the e-mail (never caught) threatened to kill persons there.
These
incidents reflect what educator Richard Richardson describes as the three levels
of campus diversity in the United States. Level
I are those universities that resist the implementation of diversity at most
levels. They were common prior to
the Civil Rights era; indeed most American universities fell into this category.
Their current manifestations include Bob Jones University and even the
Citadel’s resistance to female cadets just a few years ago.
Level II universities are where the vast majority of campuses now fall.
They usually have programs of diversity that are “tacked on” to
already existing efforts at diversity, but fail in placing people of color in
true positions of authority. I
received a telephone call a few months ago from a person describing herself as a
“Director of Diversity” at a small college.
She had a bachelor’s degree, no experience, low salary, no secretary
and a budget of $5,000 per year. She
was frustrated in that the administration was providing her with minimal support
for her programs and was not considering any type of expansion of her office or
duties. She had no administrative
power and was added as an administrative appendage to the college’s
organizational chart. I helped her with drawing up a reasonable vision for the
office --- something that she had done quite well --- told her to present it to
her bosses and if they refused to implement it, she should resign.
She is now employed in a similar position at a university that is far
more committed to diversity than the one she left.
Level
II universities are unwilling to make changes to administrative structures that
inhibit true diversity. The college
maintains the status quo relative to diversity, but provides “programs” for
accommodating their increasing numbers of students of color who will be in the
majority on these campuses by 2050.
Level
III universities are those campuses where diversity is woven into the fabric of
the institution seamlessly. At the
board, administrative, faculty and student body levels, diversity is simply a
way of life. There may exist an
“Office of Minority Affairs,” but the entire campus sees such activities as
part of the work they do. Level III
institutions are rare but are reflected on campuses such as UCLA, the University
of Texas at El Paso and a few others. They
represent the future of the American university as campuses continue to
understand the importance of diversity.
I
believe that the 21st century will see an increase of violence
against students of color on campuses as they move from being Level II to Level
III. What occurred at Pennsylvania
State University recently will be repeated with increasing frequency at
institutions that wish to maintain the status quo.
Student Affairs officers, who historically focused on alcohol and
athletics, will have to expand their vision to include effective responses to
incidents of racial violence. There
should be increasing efforts to hold workshops that will deal with such
incidents and all levels of campus leaders need to be involved.
The
Justice Department compilation of 1998 data shows that hate crimes against
African Americans is the largest category in its data pool with 2,958 incidents
of hate crimes being directed toward African Americans; about twice as many as
reported by the next largest category, hate crimes against people because of
sexual orientation (1,317). Estimates
are that approximately 10% of all hate crimes occur on campuses, which would
account for nearly 300 incidents against African Americans on campuses that are
reported. The last phrase is
important since it is clear that many hate crimes go unreported by the victim.
Students may ignore harassing phone calls or e-mail (hate speech) until
it reaches crisis proportions on the campus.
It is up to campus officials to create mechanisms for encouraging the
reporting and prosecution of perpetrators of these crimes.
Educators and Others Who Resist Change
John
McWhorter of the University of California, Berkeley has become the new poster
child for African Americans who criticize “affirmative action” and other
things as demeaning and detrimental to African Americans. He joins Shelby Steele and Ward Connerly --- part of the
California group of conservatives who have bemoaned what they perceive as
preferential treatment that ultimately leads to the rumors of inferiority first
discussed by Howard and Hammond in 1987. What
these critics of affirmative action fail to consider is the intractability of
racism (white supremacy) in their social analyses.
They assume that “overcoming the odds” can be done by anyone
regardless of race. This theory
assumes that after overcoming, the African American will somehow be transformed
into an “acceptable Negro” ready for any or all aspects of America’s
bountiful opportunities. This
extraordinarily naïve view of history, particularly in higher education,
creates unnecessary fuel for the engine of resistance to diversity.
Persons who share the view that “enough is enough” when it comes to
diversity, point to these three (among an increasing host of others) as examples
of highly qualified African Americans who ignored affirmative action as a crutch
and “made it on their own.” Such half-truths serve to encourage students
whose conservatism moves into active resistance and harassment of
African-American students on campuses around the country.
To be sure, there is nothing wrong with opposition to affirmative action
and diversity, if it is done in a reasonable and civil manner --- something the
right always accuses the left of not doing.
What is good for the goose is good for the gander, and students who see
themselves duty bound to discourage the racial diversification of their campuses
need to take a lesson from their own playbook on the issue of non-violent
protest.
Conclusion
The American university will change dramatically during
the next 50 years. Distance
learning will become a reality and quite common in the form of virtual
universities already flexing their wings.
International study will be common on most campuses, as will exchanges
between faculty and students on a broader scale.
Campuses will see great changes as the lines between technology and
education blur. At the end of the day, it will be the measure of how well an
institution educates its students for future service to this country and the
world, which really matters.
Dr. Raymond A. Winbush is the director of the Race Relations Institute at Fisk University.
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