Covering Up Hate Crimes On Some American Campuses
by Raymond A. Winbush, PhD
Introduction
A hate crime is one committed by a person whose motive is discrimination
against another person or persons on the basis of race, religion, sexual
orientation or national origin or whose act against a person, or persons,
grows out of bigotry in race, religion, sexual orientation, or national
origin. Consider the following incidents:
Professor Tony Martin of Wellesley College in Massachusetts has a device
that opens and starts his car from 50 feet away to guard against the possible
placement of bombs because of death threats made against him for using
The Secret Relationship Between African-Americans and Jews in his
African Amercan studies course. I take extra precautions that
ordinarily would not be a part of a professor's lifestyle, notes Martin.
Although universities portray themselves as bastion of free speech, Martin
quickly discovered that by assigning a book unpopular by Jewish students
and faculty at Wellesley that the results could lead to isolation, threats
and vitriolic editorials with national newspapers. His ordeal was
known to a few, eventually became known to many as he opposed the intolerance
for dissenting views at one of America's most liberal institutions.
At the University of Oregon in June of 1997, Neo-Nazi skinheads saluted
and shouted racial slurs during a music festival that was given to show
campus solidarity against all forms of bigotry. Though concert-goers
were frightened, no one pressed charges against the skinheads.
Jim Garcia of the Office of Multicultural Affairs said that Oregon planned
on creating the position for an assistant dean of multi-ethnic programs
that will help to deal with both reluctance on the part of persons of color
in reporting hate crimes.
At San Diego State University in March 1996, Leah Bharier then a sophomore
at the University of Arizona returned to her residence hall to find a swastika
graffited on her door. Bharier alerted the residence hall advisor,
who immediately reported the incident to the Housing and Residential Life
Office. A meeting was called to increase the awareness of hate crimes
on the campus. Bharier reported that the meeting was ineffective
and that persons were simply not interested in the subject. Three
days later, another Jewish student, Corry Doktor, a junior child development
major, found a crossed-out Star of David on her door. Both Doktor
and Bharier were given opportunities to move to another residence hall
and the university organized a campus wide tolerance program. Though
no recurring incidents happened with these two students, leaflets were
circulated during February condemning African-American History Month and
pro-Nazi literature was distributed in the campus library during this period.
The increase of hate crimes on campus parallels the increase of hate
crimes across America. According to the Justice Department, the 1996 figures
were as follows: more than 5,000 crimes based on race, 1,400 based on
religion and 1,000 based on sexual orientation. Eighty-four percent
of law enforcement agencies reported their data to the Justice Department.
According to the FBI, 61% of the incidents were motivated by race, 16%
by religion, 13% by sexual-orientation bias, and 10% by ethnicity/national
origin. The most reported hate crimes are those directed toward African
Americans, e.g., the recent lynching of James Byrd, Jr., in Texas
Three Theories
Three theories are usually offered for why there has been such a dramatic
increase in hate crimes during the past decade. The first is that
Americans understand what a hate crime is and are simply reporting them
as such in greater numbers. Another theory similar to the first is
that law enforcement agencies are simply reporting the data more frequently
and that there really are no major increases in hate crimes in the U.S.
The Hate Crimes Statistics Act of 1990 requires the U.S. Justice Department
to obtain and publish data about hate crimes committed across the country.
A third reason given is more complicated than the first two, but one
this author finds as being the most plausible. This third reason
is that the increase in hate crimes is an outgrowth of a general sense
among non-African Americans that persons of color and other groups are
eroding the fabric of America economically and morally and that violence
towards them is justified. This violence takes the form of physical
attacks on persons of color and other groups deemed troublesome to America.
On March 2, 1995, Nobel laureate Toni Morrison said, in a speech while
receiving an honorary doctorate from her alma mater, Howard University,
that America is moving toward fascism:
In 1995 racism may wear a new dress, buy a new pair of boots, but
neither it nor its succubus twin fascism is new or can make anything new.
It can only reproduce the environment that supports it own health: fear,
denial and an atmosphere in which its victims have lost the will to fight.
Morrison's comments reflect those of many social critics that the Reagan/Bush
years nurtured the idea that prosperity would eliminate racial prejudice
since the American pie would be seen as big enough for all. The notion
that somehow racism would disappear because of economic prosperity was
perpetuated throughout the 1990s with that since it had died, there was
no need for affirmative action or special programs targeting historically
disenfranchised groups. Books such as Dinesh D' Souza's The End of
Racism: Principles for a Multiracial Society , enjoyed comet-like popularity,
while others such as Herrnstein and Murray's The Bell Curve are still
around touting theories that equality has little to do with legal remedies
and a lot to do with genes.
Similar to the 1960s, campuses became the crucible for testing racial
views. Unlike the '60s however, 1990s students are less inclined
to support affirmative action programs which seemed to already have worked
with the presence of African-American, Yellow, Brown and Red students on
campus. Oprah is on TV, people are wearing 23 on black and red
jerseys and the generally held opinion is that persons of color were doing
okay. Proposition 209 in California, Hopwood in Texas and Rush Rooms
on campus made opposition to affirmative action fashionable and hip.
Generation X had nothing to do with the African-American prophet who
bore this last name 30 years ago, and predominantly white campuses educated
84% of African-American college students whose parents in the 1960s chose
historically African-American colleges and universities in overwhelming
numbers. Coupled with the increase of Latino students in states like
Florida, and Texas and the Asianization of the public ivies such as
Berkeley and Michigan, many white students and their parents feel that
equality of opportunity has been achieved in American higher education.
Anecdotal evidence of reverse discrimination adds fuel to the anger of
white students and the angry white male made an appearance on the cover
of Newsweek during the mid-1990s.
Campus Cover-ups of Hate Crimes
Campuses were caught off guard by the increase in the number of hate
crimes taking place in the halls of ivy. Many of them ignored the
Federal Campus Security Act of 1990 that required campuses to report crimes.
As late as 1998, five campuses were under investigation for alleged violations
of or in violation of reporting crime, particularly hate crimes.
They were Virginia Tech, Moorhead State, Miami University of Ohio, Clemson
University and The University of Pennsylvania. The records of these
campuses indicated several violations of reporting crimes. Senator
Robert Torricelli (D-NJ) introduced a bill in 1997 that would force campuses
to report hate crimes as part of the mandatory crime reports to the Justice
Department. Torricelli noted the fact that campuses are never anxious
to report crime data for fear of jeopardizing recruitment efforts.
Furthermore, despite the fact that there has been a chilling effect on
affirmative action on campuses, universities are still seeking students
of color in record numbers and reporting hate crimes might influence these
recruiting efforts as well. It is in the best interest of universities
to portray a tolerant atmosphere despite intolerant episodes of hate and
discrimination against students of color. The Secret University is
one that simply keeps information about racist incidents quiet or localized
to the student paper. The risk in keeping such incidents private
is that the rumors accompanying the incidents may be far more damaging
than the actual facts about the case. Rumor can give way to exaggerated
incidents regarding what occurs on a campus.
Rosewood Revisited in Tennessee and Michigan
During the early 1990s while I was on staff at Vanderbilt University,
a false report given by a white female student that she had been molested
by an African-American male was circulated. The student was later
evaluated for her mental stability, but it did not occur before racial
tensions were high because of the stereotypes conjured up on the part of
both African-American and white students. The rumor was allowed to
dissipate, but not before the anger of the African-American students
escalated into overt hostility toward white students particularly among
the African-American male students. Little support and no dialogue
was provided by administrators to deal with the racist encounters tendered
to African-American males by white students who quickly believed the false
report. I believe that it would have been far better for the administration
to publicly acknowledge that no such molestation had taken place; it was
a golden opportunity for public education about racism, but the volatility
of the situation preventive a public discourse about the incident.
Perhaps the most infamous example of hate crimes committed on campus
began on April 1, 1992, at Olivet College in Olivet Michigan. Henry
Henderson was a student there, at the eye of the racial hurricane that
began when a white female student with a history of mental disorders claimed
that she had been harassed by an African-American male. Although
her story was never confirmed, it touched off a near race war between African-American
and white students on the small campus of 800 students . African-American
students were policed by members of the white Phi Alpha Pi fraternity,
the brothers of the sorority sister who claimed harassment. A few
days after the incident, garbage cans were set on fire at opposite ends
of the residence hall where the majority of the African-American males
lived. The African-American males escaped harm and managed to put
out the fire, but were confronted with shouts of we're tired of the niggers
from whites who had undoubtedly set the fires. A melee broke out
after the fire was extinguished and Charles Norfleet, an African-American
student, suffered serious eye injury because of the violence.
The ensuing days brought threats from white fraternities, intimidation
by all white students and as Henderson described it, psychological pressure
as to what to do. In the midst of all of this, the administration
under President Donald Morris did little or nothing except call a campus
wide meeting that broke into chaos and shouting. (Morris later resigned
during the fall semester of 1992, under pressure directly attributable
to the incident). Similar to other institutions, Olivet had no plan
in place that would deal with such crises and as the days wore on, the
incident drew national attention including an appearance by Henderson and
others on the Sally Jessie Raphael Show.
The 50-60 African-American students on the small campus faced many dilemmas
during this period. Little research has been done on the psychological
impact that hate crimes have on its victims; the research is usually confined
to the physical harm of the incident. One of the feelings expressed
by Henderson was isolation on the part of the African-American students
in a rural setting some 150 miles from the nearest population center--Detroit.
Several African-American students who had cultivated friendships with
white students, particularly those in interracial dating relationships
were shocked by how quickly these associations deteriorated as a result
of the incident. Idris Fountain, an African-American football player
on the campus, was quoted as saying, I wouldn't have had many white friends
if it weren't for football, but when the fighting broke out, I was every
nigger you could think of.
The week of the incident was one of the longest in my life, Henderson
noted, and in a private vote a week later, African-American students decided
to leave the campus in mass because of fear for their safety. It
was an agonizing decision, and as Henderson notes, his senior status made
the decision even more difficult. Forty-seven of the 50 some odd
African-American students left the campus, and it was not until after they
left that an agreement was reached so that no academic credit earned would
be lost. An amazing by-product of the Olivet Incident was how other
students residing at different universities came forth to describe incidents
that had gone unreported. Henderson helped form the Michigan African
Student Coalition (MASC), a short-lived confederation of students from
Oakland University, the University of Detroit and Olivet College who had
experienced similar hate crimes on their campuses. Henderson
feels that the vast majority of hate crimes on college campuses go unreported
and that there is simply no way to track all of the incidents because of
well-oiled public relations offices that continue the myth that the halls
of ivy are immune from racist acts.
Some Suggestions
Public discourse on campus racial violence should never be hidden, but
must be handled in an appropriate manner so that students of color can
have a realistic view of the racial atmosphere of the campus. What
can parents do to make sure of this? They can:
-
Consult college catalogues before matriculation for information about the
racial climate on the campus
-
Contact campus police and demand a copy of its hate crimes report for at
least three years
-
When possible, talk to recent alumni of color of the institution for a
first hand report of racial violence that went unreported on the campus
-
Talk to student affairs administrators and inquire about their strategies
for dealing with hate crimes on the campus
-
Consult the local police (not campus) on whether or not any hate crimes
were reported to them in connection with the local university for the past
three years
As we end Du Bois' century of race, it is important to understand that
the color line seems destined to remain a problem during the 21st century,
despite massive public education and legislation on the virtues of diversity.
In truth, undisclosed campus racial violence is part of the broader history
of America's denial that it has a racial problem. This denial is
part of the lingering legacy of racism in America and provides the greatest
impetus for continuing its long life. Only when the Secret University
of hate crimes becomes the Open University of racial tolerance will campuses
be places where diversity keeps house.
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