Three Days in February 

For three tension-filled days in February, the world watched as Kofi Annan, Secretary General of the United Nations negotiated with Iraqi President Saddam Hussein in hopes of averting a U.S.-led war unless Iraq agreed to unlimited inspections of eight suspected weapons sites.  Media attention was unrelenting; minicams and microphones were profuse; and journalists dogged his every step, capturing every move for the nightly news and front-page headlines.   The world was poised on the edge of war; a lot was at stake.  In the midst of this constant media barrage stood Kofi Annan, as quietly diplomatic and unflappable as ever.  The world, especially the United States, waited to see who would blink first Annan or Saddam. 

Kofi Annan stepped into this maelstrom armed only with his mandate from the five permanent members of the Security Council and his moral authority as the voice of calm reason in a troubled world.  Annan had arrived in Baghdad on Friday, the 20th of February, with the skeptical and grudging well wishes of the U.S.  He denied both the cautionary words of warning from President Clinton and the scolding admonition from Secretary of State Madeleine Albright.  In the white light of world attention and uncharitable speculation, the Secretary-General went about his business, ever the quiet diplomat. 

Discussions began the next day.  In tense hours of private late night and early dawn negotiations with Saddam Hussein, Annan persuaded the Iraqi leader to permit unlimited access to the eight weapons sites previously ruled off-limits.  He returned to the U.S. with a Memorandum of Understanding with which the Iraqis did indeed comply.  The agreement included an inspection team to be appointed by the Secretary-General, a possible point of contention because this might be seen as undermining Richard Butler, the chairman of Unscom, the UN Special Commission appointed to inspect weapons sites. 
In the end, President Clinton and Secretary Albright acknowledged the coup Annan pulled off.  Even conservative Senator Jesse Helm, chairman of the powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, recognized that Annan had done a good job, given what he had to work with (James Traub, Kofi Annan's Next Test, New York Times Magazine, March 29, 1998).  Kofi Annan had triumphed over a very precarious situation, fraught with peril at every turn. 

Annan's assent to the Secretary-Generalship, and command of the world stage, reminds us how exciting the world of diplomacy can be and offers a road map for you.  In fact, in a recent interview, we asked Kofi Annan what advice he'd give students with an interest in international affairs.  He responded by saying, We need to prepare for an interdependent and a global world.  We need to understand other cultures, to learn languages, to learn to see the world through the eyes of others, to appreciate what others have, and to not only accept, but celebrate diversity We cannot fail to acknowledge the interconnected nature of our times.  We must accept that unity is the way forward.   Who is this diplomat par excellence and what lessons can we learn from him? 

At the Helm 

The grandson of Ghanaian tribal chieftains on both sides of his family, Kofi Annan has needed the blessings of his African ancestors, and the powers of persuasion honed over three decades of diplomatic service, to succeed in the highly visible, and ofttimes controversial, position of Secretary-General of the United Nations.  Appointed Secretary-General of the UN in 1996, Annan heads a world body of 185 independent-minded, strong-willed heads of Member States. 

Following the devastation of World War II, and within all-too-recent memory of the First World War, 51 nations united to avert future wars.  Meeting in San Francisco on October 24, 1945, they signed a charter creating the United Nations. 

Kofi Annan is the seventh Secretary-General sworn to uphold the UN creed.  Succeeding the outspoken Boutros Boutros-Ghali, Annan had the strong support of Madeleine K. Albright, then U.S. representative to the UN.  Much of the U.S. support derived from the fact that Annan was initially regarded as the kind of inoffensive figure who would be more secretary than general, according to James Traub of the New York Times magazine.  However, Annan's forthright, unequivocal stand with Iraqi officials during the Baghdad negotiations surprised even his closest aides.  They described him as acting, for the first time, more like a general than a secretary.  

Typically self-effacing, Annan views the Iraqi resolution as affirmation of the UN's continuing role as peacekeeper in an unquiet world.  In his interview with THE BLACK COLLEGIAN, Annan summarized his success modestly:  The world has just seen, in the recent agreement between the United Nations and Iraq . . .,  how much a united and determined international community can achieve through the United Nations.  What we have done in Iraq through reason, diplomacy and political will, we can do all across the United Nations agenda.  

Challenging Prospects 

Will Annan be able to remain a diplomatic general?  Much will depend on the issues that come before the UN during the remaining years of his five-year term.  While Annan's hard line with the Iraqis was applauded by the U.S., his continuing popularity will hinge on what happens in subsequent negotiations.  If his voice is raised in support of positions at odds with those of the U.S., then Annan may find himself caught in a vise between his diplomatic instincts and the pragmatic need to mollify a powerful ally.  That could blunt the independent advocacy that the Secretary-Generalship demands. 

In his farewell address to the General Assembly, outgoing Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali cautioned: The Secretary-General must never be seen as acting out of fear or in the attempt to curry favour with one State or group of States.  His loyalty must be international. . . .   (UN Press Release GA/9208, December 17, 1996). Wise counsel, but difficult to effect, especially given the far-reaching influence of the United States. 

Certainly, the U.S. wields a big stick within the United Nations.  It's one of five permanent members of the Security Council, the body responsible for peacekeeping among Member States and around the world.  (The other four are Great Britain, France, Russia and China.)  Even though the U.S. now owes $1.6 billion in back membership dues, and, technically, could lose its vote in the General Assembly as a result, it sees itself as the indispensable nation in UN affairs.  According to U.S. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright, We stand tall.  We see farther into the future.  

With the imperiously patriarchal attitude of the U.S. abroad, Kofi Annan must walk a delicate balance between alienating the UN's most powerful patron--although, often its most vocal critic--and retaining some semblance of the organization's autonomy.  Not surprisingly, many Third World countries object to U.S. dominance of the world body.  Asserting their hard-won independence, these developing countries, now unshackled from colonial chains and free of totalitarian regimes, chafe at the unilateral decision-making on global issues that the highly industrialized nations seek to retain as they guard their long-held, but fast-eroding, privileges and prerogatives.  Navigating these troubled shoals will certainly challenge Annan's leadership abilities. 

The Road to Power 

Annan faces many potential minefields as Secretary-General of the UN, but he 
brings impeccable educational and diplomatic credentials to the job. What figured in his preparation?  Like many upper-class Africans, his education began at an elite boarding school; this one in Ghana.  In a moment of personal reflection, during THE BLACK COLLEGIAN  interview, Annan shared the early influences in his life.  I grew up at a time in Africa when the struggle for independence was going on . . . .  Luckily, the independence struggle in my own country was not violent .  So I grew up thinking that change was possible, that one can effect change and that one can make a difference, and I have never been worried or scared to attempt to change a situation or take the initiative.  
After completing his secondary education, Annan enrolled in the College of 
Science and Technology at Kumasi, a provincial capital and his hometown.  A Ford Foundation scholarship allowed him to complete his undergraduate degree in economics at Macalester College in St. Paul, Minnesota, in 1961.  This was one of several stops abroad  where Annan acquired the educational credentials that would boost him up the ladder of success.  As he stated while visiting Chuo University in Japan in 1997, Education brought me halfway around the world to the United States and then Europe.  There I learned that without education, we cannot see beyond ourselves and our narrow surroundings to the reality of global interdependence.  Without education, we cannot realize how peoples of other races and religions share the same dreams, the same hopes.  Without education, we cannot recognize the universality of human aims and aspirations.  
The next stop in his academic procession was the Institut universitaire des hautes études internationales in Geneva, where he pursued graduate studies in economics.  Some years later, as a Sloan Fellow, he earned a master of science degree in management from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (1972).  Mastering a second language is a prerequisite if you're seeking to enter and advance in the diplomatic corps.  Annan speaks several African languages and is fluent in both English and French.  This facility with languages is a perfect complement to his training in economics and his experience in management. 

The Role of Education and Experience 

Years spent in the classroom and on the trustee boards of the United Nations International School in New York and Macalester College have obviously shaped the Secretary General's belief in the role education can play in world affairs.  Speaking at the annual meeting of the American Council on Education in 1997, Annan stated that the first ingredient of political stability is an informed citizen.  The first ingredient of economic progress is a skilled worker.  And the first ingredient of social justice is an enlightened society.  Education is, thus, the key to global peace and well-being."  He went on to talk about educating today's youth and the leaders of tomorrow as follows: 

Young people need more help than ever in interpreting and understanding the civil, political and economic environments in which they live.  And in preparing themselves to assume their roles as responsible adults and citizens.   Our aim is to promote a culture of education in which access to education is universal.  In which education promotes understanding, tolerance and friendship among all nations, racial or religious groups.  In which education helps people develop themselves to their full potential. 

It's obvious that the Secretary-General is personally committed to education as an  empowering influence that can liberate and mobilize minds to face the global challenges ahead and improve the prospects for international peace and understanding. 
 
Many of Annan's idols are those who have fought against great odds to champion liberty and secure peace.  As this year's commencement speaker at Macalester College, he raised up a few heroines and heroes who have made a difference, one by one.  Look to Nelson Mandela, Annan urged, who went from prisoner to president because of his unbending integrity, bravery and beliefs.  Look to Aung San Suu Kyi, who remains a lodestar of democratic values after years in house arrest in Myanmar.   Annan's list continued:  Look to Jody Williams, who helped spur governments across the world to join forces with 1,000 NGOs to achieve the treaty banning anti-personnel mines.  Look to Raoul Wallenberg, who as a Swedish diplomat in Budapest saved the lives of tens of thousands of Hungarian Jews during the Second World War.   Like his role models, Annan has been making a difference in the struggle for global peace and understanding for a long time. 

Inching your way up the ladder in the foreign service is a steady, methodical process.  In 1962, Annan began his 30+ years at the UN with an administrative post at the World Health Organization (WHO) in Geneva.  Successively more demanding administrative and managerial postings in Europe, Africa and, primarily, in the U.S. have ensured Annan's steady rise through the diplomatic ranks.  His capable execution of these jobs led to special assignments in such hot spots as Bosnia, Herzegovina and Iraq, where his unflappable, suavely persuasive style of diplomacy soothed injured feelings and averted potential conflicts.  At the time of his appointment to Secretary-General, he was serving as Under-Secretary-General for Peace-keeping Operations in the former Yugoslavia. 

Reform Agenda 

What's next on the Secretary-General's docket?  In his statement on the occasion of the UN's approval of the new Secretary-General (Weekly Compilation of Presidential Documents, December 23, 1996), President Clinton challenged Annan to renew and revitalize the UN to keep pace with the times achieving its work with fewer people and resources, reducing waste and rationalizing priorities, and producing better results at lower costs.   This is the quid pro quo exacted by the U.S. in exchange for catching up its delinquent dues, and continuing its support. 

Annan has been quick to respond.  In an address to the National Press Club (January 24, 1997), the Secretary-General laid out his plans for the UN.  He proposed a vigorous strategy to expand and accelerate managerial reforms. Working in tandem with Member States, Annan pledged to totally overhaul the way the UN handles its financial resources, as well as the way it oversees personnel and operations.  In addition, he will significantly simplify its organizational structures, eliminating needless duplication of effort, maintaining accountability, and strengthening the internal auditing of administrative functions. 

Transforming the UN from an arcane, archaic bureaucracy into a lean, efficient agency poised to grapple effectively with humanitarian and peacekeeping missions around the world has fully engaged Annan's managerial skills.  But definite progress has been made.  In Annan's own words, the United Nations today is in fundamental respects a new institution.  

The global issues confronting the UN are just as daunting as the managerial reforms the U.S. and Member States have demanded.  We asked the Secretary General to name a few of the critical issues the UN has to tackle in the near future.  He was fulsome in his reply: 

One of the biggest challenges facing the United Nations is the question of the environment:  the need to ensure that we marry economy and ecology in a harmonious and effective way and that we protect this earth for future generations.  An African proverb says, This earth is not ours; it is a treasure we hold in trust for future generations. . . . We continue to face old foes such as hunger, disease, poverty and war.  We also confront a range of new threats such as pollution, drugs, terrorism and organized crime, problems that cut across frontiers and which I call problems without passports .  To address them we need blueprints without borders. 

Giving leadership to the resolution of these issues will put Annan's mediating abilities and persuasive powers to the test.  But, the odds favor his success! 
If you're interested in learning more about the United Nations and the Secretary-General, visit the UN Web site at www.un.org. 
 

Marta Madalena Lopes da Silva, a sophomore at Bennett College, assisted with the research.