Behind the Veil: African-American Responses to the Age of Segregation
by William H. Chafe
Although for years the Jim Crow era was thought of as a time
of total victimization of blacks, in fact, according to recent research,
African Americans engaged, wrestled with and resisted legally sanctioned
and enforced segregation in multiple ways.
For many years, Southern historian C. Vann Woodward once noted, this
era was a "twilight zone" in American history.
Partly in response to that circumstance, scholars at Duke University
and other schools initiated a major collaborative research venture, titled
"Behind the Veil: African-American Responses to the Age of Segregation."
Over five years, more than 50 graduate students conducted 1,200 interviews
in 10 different Southern states, focusing on African-Americans who experienced
and fought against the realities of segregation.
The effort's findings made it clear that the system of Jim Crow's controls
and regulations was pervasive and multi-layered.
"They did everything they could to make you feel inferior," Kenneth
Young of Tuskegee, Ala., noted.
The ultimate and most arbitrary reinforcement of the racial status quo
consisted of physical force and terror.
Richard Wright, the renowned author, asked his mother why black people
did not fight back when whites mistreated them. "Because the white men
have guns and the black men don't," she responded. As another black Mississippian
noted, "[whites] had to have a license to kill anything but a 'nigger.'
We was always in season."
Virtually all those interviewed for the "Behind the Veil" project corroborated
Wright's insight. Some experienced murder and lynching firsthand - a brother
killed in the dead of night for not being sufficiently submissive to a
white man; the pregnant wife of a black farmer who allegedly said something
offensive to a white woman, who then had her womb slit open by Klan members,
killing both the mother and the child; a young man dragged to his death
behind a wagon.
Another circle of control was psychological - the insidious and pervasive
social messages that sought to limit black aspirations and remind black
Southerners that they were second-class citizens, with no right to pride
or autonomy. The vehicles for such messages were myriad. Neil McMillen
writes of postal authorities in Mississippi who systematically crossed
out "Mr." or "Mrs." as prefixes before black names to whom mail was being
delivered. A teacher near Charlotte went to get a prescription filled,
and when she thanked the pharmacist after he handed her the package, he
slapped her in the face for not saying, '1Thank you, sir.
Yet what remains most striking is the degree to which African Americans
- despite significant internal differences - crafted new opportunities,
provided support for each other, and operated within the existing structure
of rules and expectations to move, inch by inch, toward their collective
goals. Some even resisted openly, and successfully. In sum, their story
reflects the extraordinary strength of a people who refused to succumb,
and instead gave substance and reality to the slogan of the National Association
of Colored Women: "Lift as we climb."
As Booker Frederick noted about his life experience in rural Alabama,
"We had a few black men [here] ... known as the men that didn't take anything
[from whites]. The white folks would put on like they wasn't afraid of
them, but they were."
Along the continuum of resistance, the most courageous, bold, and dangerous
acts of protest consisted of black Americans defying white authority by
force of arms. Often, the decision to use physical force to stand up for
oneself or one's family meant a de facto decision to leave the local area
in order to stay alive. Other times, however, the use of rifles and individual
and collective self-defense registered a significant impact on whites,
causing them to at least pause, if not back off, from their efforts to
intimidate. In both cases, resistance suggested the importance of collective
as well as individual action, and the importance of black institutions
in making possible united action.
But all of this represented as much continuity as change. If a new openness
of protest and self-expression had become possible, it was only because
those who had gone before had struggled so valiantly to make such a moment
possible. As Susie Jones, the dean of admissions for Bennett College, said
in 1946, "The gods bring threads to webs begun."
Charles Jones, a young man growing up near Charlotte in the 1930s and
'40s, had observed carefully the way his father, a minister, dealt with
the racial circumstances that shaped their lives. Occasionally, the younger
man was perplexed by the way his father adopted a deferential pose. Yet
he also understood that his father was pursuing a means to a larger end.
In his own life, Charles Jones became a far more open advocate of change,
attending world youth festivals, joining the direct action civil rights
movement. Yet as he encountered a different kind of politics, he also developed
a new insight into what had occurred earlier in his life.
"I began to understand," he said, "my father's restraint, my father's
wisdom - because it was more important to accomplish a common object with
dignity than to challenge at every stage everything ... that white males
were confronting us with. So we assumed the higher ground, took all the
rhetoric that the Christian white church and the constitution had taught
us, and beat the devil out of them with it."
Appropriately, the father and son went together to be the first African
Americans to integrate the Rexall drugstore in downtown Charlotte in the
summer of 1960.
"The gods bring threads to webs begun."
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